A Brief History of English and American Literature Essay Example for Free

A Brief History of English and American Literature Essay The Norman conquest of England, in the 11th century, made a break in the natural growth of the English language and literature. The old English or Anglo−Saxon had been a purely Germanic speech, with a complicated grammar and a full set of inflections. For three hundred years following the battle of Hastings. this native tongue was driven from the kings court and the courts of law, from parliament, school, and university. During all this time there were two languages spoken in England. Norman French was the birth−tongue of the upper classes and English of the lower. When the latter finally got the better in the struggle, and became, about the middle of the 14th century, the national speech of all England, it was no longer the English of King Alfred. It was a new language, a grammarless tongue, almost wholly {12} stripped of its inflections. It had lost a half of its old words, and had filled their places with French equivalents. The Norman lawyers had introduced legal terms; the ladies and courtiers, words of dress and courtesy. The knight had imported the vocabulary of war and of the chase. The master−builders of the Norman castles and cathedrals contributed technical expressions proper to the architect and the mason. The art of cooking was French. The naming of the living animals, ox, swine, sheep, deer, was left to the Saxon churl who had the herding of them, while the dressed meats, beef, pork, mutton, venison, received their baptism from the table−talk of his Norman master. The four orders of begging friars, and especially the Franciscans or Gray Friars, introduced into England in 1224, became intermediaries between the high and the low. They went about preaching to the poor, and in their sermons they intermingled French with English. In their hands, too, was almost all the science of the day; their medicine, botany, and astronomy displaced the old nomenclature of leechdom, wort−cunnin g, and star−craft. And, finally, the translators of French poems often found it easier to transfer a foreign word bodily than to seek out a native synonym, particularly when the former supplied them with a rhyme. But the innovation reached even to the commonest words in every−day use, so that voice drove out steven, poor drove out earm, and color, use, and place made good their footing beside hue, {13}wont, and stead. A great part of the English words that were left were so changed in spelling and pronunciation as to be practically new. Chaucer stands, in date, midway between King Alfred and Alfred Tennyson, but his English differs vastly more from the formers than from the latters. To Chaucer Anglo−Saxon was as much a dead language as it is to us. The classical Anglo−Saxon, moreover, had been the Wessex dialect, spoken and written at Alfreds capital, Winchester. When the French had displaced this as the language of culture, there was no longer a â€Å"kings English† or any literary standard. The sources of modern standard English are to be found in the East Midland, spoken in Lincoln, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, and neighboring shires. Here the old Anglian had been corrupted by the Danish settlers, and rapidly threw off its inflections when it became a spoken and no longer a written language, after the Conquest. The West Saxon, clinging more tenaciously to ancient forms, sunk into the position of a local dialect; while the East Midland, spreading to London, Oxford, and Cambridge, became the literary English in which Chaucer wrote. The Normans brought in also new intellectual influences and new forms of literature. They were a cosmopolitan people, and they connected England with the continent. Lanfranc and Anselm, the first two Norman archbishops of Canterbury, were learned and splendid prelates of a {14} type quite unknown to the Anglo−Saxons. They introduced the scholastic philosophy taught at the University of Paris, and the reformed discipline of the Norman abbeys. They bound the English Church more closely to Rome, and officered it with Normans. English bishops were deprived of their sees for illiteracy, and French abbots were set over monasteries of Saxon monks. Down to the middle of the 14th century the learned literature of England was mostly in Latin, and the polite literature in French. English did not at any time altogether cease to be a written language, but the extant remains of the period from 1066 to 1200 are few and, with one exception, unimportant. After 1200 English came more and more into written use, but mainly in translations, paraphrases, and imitations of French works. The native genius was at school, and followed awkwardly. The Anglo−Saxon poetry, for example, had been rhythmical and alliterative. It was commonly written in lines containing four rhythmical accents and with three of the accented syllables alliterating. R_este hine thà ¢ r_à ºm−heort; r_à ©ced hlifade G_eà ¡p and g_à ³ld−fà ¢h, gà ¤st inne swà ¤f. Rested him then the great−hearted; the hall towered Roomy and gold−bright, the guest slept within. This rude energetic verse the Saxon scà ´p had sung to his harp or glee−beam, dwelling on the {15} emphatic syllables, passing swiftly over the others which were of undetermined number and position in the line. It was now displaced by the smooth metrical verse with rhymed endings, which the French introduced and which our modern poets use, a verse fitted to be recited rather than sung. The old English alliterative verse continued, indeed, in occasional use to the 16th century. But it was linked to a forgotten literature and an obsolete dialect, and was doomed to give way. Chaucer lent his great authority to the more modern verse system, and his own literary models and inspirers were all foreign, French or Italian. Literature in England began to be once more English and truly national in the hands of Chaucer and his contemporaries, but it was the literature of a nation cut off from its own past by three centuries of foreign rule. The most noteworthy English document of the 11th and 12th centuries was the continuation of the Anglo−Saxon chronicle. Copies of these annals, differing somewhat among themselves, had been kept at the monasteries in Winchester, Abingdon, Worcester, and elsewhere. The yearly entries were mostly brief, dry records of passing events, though occasionally they become full and animated. The fen country of Cambridge and Lincolnshire was a region of monasteries. Here were the great abbeys of Peterborough and Croyland and Ely minster. One of the earliest English songs tells how the savage heart of the Danish {16} king Cnut was softened by the singing of the monks in Ely. Merie sungen muneches binnen Ely Tha Cnut chyning reu ther by; Roweth, cnihtes, noer the land, And here we thes muneches sang. It was among the dikes and marshes of this fen country that the bold outlaw Hereward, â€Å"the last of the English,† held out for some years against the conqueror. And it was here, in the rich abbey of Burch or Peterborough, the ancient Medeshamstede (meadow−homestead) that the chronicle was continued for nearly a century after the Conquest, breaking off abruptly in 1154, the date of King Stephens death. Peterborough had received a new Norman abbot, Turold, â€Å"a very stern man,† and the entry in the chronicle for 1170 tells how Hereward and his gang, with his Danish backers, thereupon plundered the abbey of its treasures, which were first removed to Ely, and then carried off by the Danish fleet and sunk, lost, or squandered. The English in the later portions of this Peterborough chronicle becomes gradually more modern, and falls away more and more from the strict grammatical standards of the classical Anglo−Saxon. It is a most valuable historical monument, and some passages of it are written with great vividness, notably the sketch of William the Conqueror put down in the year of his death (1086) by one who had â€Å"looked upon him and at another time dwelt in his court.† {17} â€Å"He who was before a rich king, and lord of many a land, he had not then of all his land but a piece of seven feet. . . . Likewise he was a very stark man and a terrible, so that one durst do nothing against his will. . . . Among other things is not to be forgotten the good peace that he made in this land, so that a man might fare over his kingdom with his bosom full of gold unhurt. He set up a great deer preserve, and he laid laws therewith that whoso should slay hart or hind, he should be blinded. As greatly did he love the tall deer as if he were their father.† With the discontinuance of the Peterborough annals, English history written in English prose ceased for three hundred years. The thread of the nations story was kept up in Latin chronicles, compiled by writers partly of English and partly of Norman descent. The earliest of these, such as Ordericus Vitalis, Simeon ofDurham, Henry of Huntingdon, and William of Malmesbury, were contemporary with the later entries of the Saxon chronicle. The last of them, Matthew of Westminster, finished his work in 1273. About 1300 Robert, a monk of Gloucester, composed a chronicle in English verse, following in the main the authority of the Latin chronicles, and he was succeeded by other rhyming chroniclers in the 14th century. In the hands of these the true history of the Saxon times was overlaid with an ever−increasing mass of fable and legend. All real knowledge of the period {18} dwindled away until in Capgraves Chronicle of England, written in prose in 1463−64, hardly any thing of it is left. In history as in literature the English had forgotten their past, and had turned to foreign sources. It is noteworthy that Shakspere, who borrowed his subjects and his heroes sometimes from authentic English history, sometimes from the legendary history of ancient Britain, Denmark,and Scotland, as in Lear, Hamlet, and Macbeth, ignores the Saxon period altogether. And Spenser, who gives in his second book of the Faerie Queene, a resumà © of the reigns of fabulous British kings—the supposed ancestors of Queen Elizabeth, his royal patron—has nothing to say of the real kings of early England. So completely had the true record faded away that it made no appeal to the imaginations of our most patriotic poets. The Saxon Alfred had been dethroned by the British Arthur, and the conquered Welsh had imposed their fictitious genealogies upon the dynasty of the conquerors. In the Roman de Rou, a verse chronicle of the dukes of Normandy, written by the Norman Wace, it is related that at the battle of Hastings the French jongleur, Taillefer, spurred out before the van of Williams army, tossing his lance in the air and chanting of â€Å"Charlemagne and of Roland, of Oliver and the peers who died at Roncesvals.† This incident is prophetic of the victory which Norman song, no less than Norman arms, was to win over England. The lines which Taillefer {19} sang were from the Chanson de Roland, the oldest and best of the French hero sagas. The heathen Northmen, who had ravaged the coasts of France in the 10th century, had become in the course of one hundred and fifty years, completely identified with the French. They had accepted Christianity, intermarried with the native women, and forgotten their own Norse tongue. The race thus formed was the most brilliant in Europe. The warlike, adventurous spirit of the vikings mingled in its blood with the French nimbleness of wit and fondness for display. The Normans were a nation of knights−errant, with a passion for prowess and for courtesy. Their architecture was at once strong and graceful. Their women were skilled in embroidery, a splendid sample of which is preserved in the famous Bayeux tapestry, in which the conquerors wife, Matilda, and the ladies of her court wrought the history of the Conquest. This national taste for decoration expressed itself not only in the ceremonious pomp of feast and chase and tourney, but likewise in literature. The most characteristic contribution of the Normans to English poetry were the metrical romances or chivalry tales. These were sung or recited by the minstrels, who were among the retainers of every great feudal baron, or by the jongleurs, who wandered from court to castle. There is a whole literature of these romans d aventure in the Anglo−Norman dialect of French. Many of them are {20} very long—often thirty, forty, or fifty thousand lines—written sometimes in a strophic form, sometimes in long Alexandrines, but commonly in the short, eight−syllabled rhyming couplet. Numbers of them were turned into English verse in the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries. The translations were usually inferior to the originals. The French trouvere (finder or poet) told his story in a straight−forward, prosaic fashion, omitting no details in the action and unrolling endless descriptions of dresses, trappings, gardens, etc. He invented plots and situations full of fine possibilities by which later poets have profited, but his own handling of them was feeble and prolix. Yet there was a simplicity about the old French language and a certain elegance and delicacy in the diction of the trouveres which the rude, unformed English failed to catch. The heroes of these romances were of various climes: Guy of Warwick, and Richard the Lion Heart of England, Havelok the Dane, Sir Troilus of Troy, Charlemagne, and Alexander. But, strangely enough, the favorite hero of English romance was that mythical Arthur of Britain, whom Welsh legend had celebrated as the most formidable enemy of the Sassenach invaders and their victor in twelve great battles. The language and literature of the ancient Cymry or Welsh had made no impression on their Anglo−Saxon conquerors. There are a few Welsh borrowings in the English speech, such as bard and druid; but in the old Anglo−Saxon literature there are {21} no more traces of British song and story than if the two races had been sundered by the ocean instead of being borderers for over six hundred years. But the Welsh had their own national traditions, and after the Norman Conquest these were set free from the isolation of their Celtic tongue and, in an indirect form, entered into the general literature of Europe. The French came into contact with the old British literature in two places: in the Welsh marches in England and in the province of Brittany in France, where the population is of Cymric race and spoke, and still to some extent speaks, a Cymric dialect akin to the Welsh. About 1140 Geoffrey of Monmouth, a Benedictine monk, seemingly of Welsh descent, who lived at the court of Henry the First and became afterward bishop of St. Asaph, produced in Latin a so−called Historia Britonum in which it was told how Brutus, the great grandson of Aeneas, came to Britain, and founded there his kingdom called after him, and his city of New Troy (Troynovant) on the site of the later London. An air of historic gravity was given to this tissue of Welsh legends by an exact chronology and the genealogy of theBritish kings, and the author referred, as his authority, to an imaginary Welsh book given him, as he said, by a certain Walter, archdeacon of Oxford. Here appeared that line of fabulous British princes which has become so familiar to modern readers in the plays of Shakspere and the poems of Tennyson: Lear and his {22} three daughters; Cymbeline, Gorboduc, the subject of the earliest regular English tragedy, composed by Sackville and acted in 1562; Locrine and his Queen Gwendolen, and his daughter Sabrina, who gave her name to the river Severn, was made immortal by an exquisite song in Miltons Comus, and became the heroine of the tragedy of Locrine, once attributed to Shakspere; and above all, Arthur, the son of Uther Pendragon, and the founder of the Table Round. In 1155 Wace, the author of the Roman de Rou, turned Geoffreys work into a French poem entitled Brut d Angleterre, â€Å"brut† being a Welsh word meaning chronicle. About the year 1200 Waces poem was Englished by Layamon, a priest of Arley Regis, on the border stream of Severn. Layamons Brut is in thirty thousand lines, partly alliterative and partly rhymed, but written in pure Saxon English with hardly any French words. The style is rude but vigorous, and, at times, highly imaginative. Wace had amplified Geoffreys chronicle somewhat, but Layamon made much larger additions, derived, no doubt, from legends current on the Welsh border. In particular the story of Arthur grew in his hands into something like fullness. He tells of the enchantments of Merlin, the wizard; of the unfaithfulness of Arthurs queen,Guenever; and the treachery of his nephew, Modred. His narration of the last great battle between Arthur and Modred; of the wounding of the king—â€Å"fifteen fiendly wounds he had, one might in the least {23} three gloves thrust—†; and of the little boat with â€Å"two women therein, wonderly dight,† which came to bear him away to Avalun and the Queen Argante, â€Å"sheenest of all elves,† whence he shall come again, according to Merlins prophecy, to rule the Britons; all this left little, in essentials, for Tennyson to add in his Death of Arthur. This new material for fiction was eagerly seized upon by the Norman romancers. The story of Arthur drew to itself other stories which were afloat.

George Orwells Nineteen Eighty-Four :: 1984 Essays

George Orwell is the pen name of Eric Arthur Blair, a British writer with political conscience. He was born in India but educated in England at Eton College. He served the Indian Imperial Police in Burma from 1922 to 1927. In sick health, he returned to Europe to live in poverty as a struggling writer. Orwell joined the Republican forces in the Spanish civil war, and wrote a chilling account of this experience. He went on to write many books, mostly autobiographical, and achieved successes as a brilliant writer. 2. SynopsisThe novel takes place in a theoretical and fictional dystopian totalitarian society. The story begins in London on April 4, 1984 after an atomic world war divides the world into three states. London is the capital of Oceania which is run by INGSOC(English Socialism). The controllers are called "The Party." The Party is divided into two sections, The Inner Party, and The Outer Party which are the "Rich" and the "middle-class." There is a third group of people called "The Proles," or "The Proletariat" which are the poor, and considered to be animals by the party. The main leader of this government is Big Brother. The novel is told in third person and partly first person, and is also divided into three parts. In the first part the main character and his conflicts with the world he lives in are revealed. Winston Smith is a bureaucrat who works for the government by altering history at the Ministry of Truth. He begins to ponder the reason things are so bad and commits a terrible crime. In the second part, he falls in love with Julia, and is taken in by a man named O'Brien, a member of the anti-party society called the Brotherhood. O'Brien turns out to be a true member of The Inner Party. Winston and Julia are captured and hauled off to the Ministry of Love (Minilove in Newspeak). Here, during the final part of the story, Winston is incarcerated and rehabilitated by The Party. O'Brien constantly tel ls Winston that Winston is crazy, and that he is trying to help him. During these sessions he reveals the true purposes of INGSOC. The party's goals can be summed up in their mottoes. "WAR IS PEACE, FREEDOM IS SLAVERY, and IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH(Orwell, 7)."3. ThemeUnder the rule of INGSOC, members of The Party are engrossed in their work. It is essential that the government keeps its people happy in order to avoid rebellions and "thought crimes.

African American History: A Close Up on Baptist Churches Essay

As you enter through the door on the first level of this San Francisco-based Baptist-rooted church, you become overwhelmed by the warm hug and kiss of Sister â€Å"What’s-her-name?† as she bold and kindly greets you, â€Å"Good morning! God bless you!† Walking up the stairs heading into the Worship Center, Brother and Sister â€Å"So and so† affectionately embrace you, just as an aunt or uncle would at a family function. In an instant, you are drawn in by the harmonious singing of the choir over the upbeat sounds of musicians playing the drums, keyboard, guitars, organ and tambourines. As you look around, you may not recognize everybody, but you sense a powerful family-like bondage. Although the love of Christ is all-inclusive to any and everyone, this non-exclusive church is predominantly African American in population. There is a noticeably implied bond which seems to be more genuine, the more melanin you contain. This tremendously impacts individuals within the congregational community. Why is it that the most segregated hour in America continues to be 11:00am Sunday morning? Research directs us towards clues on how church origins and U.S. history has and still is heavily influencing African Americans in the Modern Church of today. In James P. Eckman’s Exploring Church History he writes about the foundation of the church starting with the Apostolic Age, which began around 30 B.C. and immediately followed the death of Jesus Christ in the first century, through the modern church of the 21st century. Reviewing the timeline from the Apostolic Age (1st century) to the Church Fathers (95-300s), onto Ancient Church and Theology (4th century), following the Medieval Church (400-1500s), through the Reformation period and Catholic Church (16th century), to the Scientific Revolution (1600-1700s) onto the Enlightenment of the eighteenth century, we discover that many events influenced the building and forming of the â€Å"black church† in America. Tracing these events we can see a thread of the Christian Church trailing through European countries for several hundreds of years. In the latter of events above, we learn that Europeans began enslaving Africans and started to migrate over to a land that we now know as America. During the  developmental period of the first African American Churches in the 1700-1800s slavery was very prevalent in the United States. Henry H. Mitchell, author of Black Church Beginnings, predisposes how though enslaved Africans had their own religious traditions and practices, there were some overlooked factors that contributed to their fascination in Christianity which soon took route in the African American Society. He goes on to state that the typical West African town was a community of faith. The tribesmen generally assumed that if they lost a war to another tribe or nation, the god of the triumphant party ought to be included in their beliefs since the conquerors’ god was strong enough to grant them victory (Mitchell, page 33). He discusses how they found commonality between their expressive African culture and the unheard of, free expressiveness for whites in their churches. The Africans became more and more interested as they began interpreting the Bible for themselves and found parallels in traditional African religion. They were able to relate to the Old Testament stories [like the enslavement of Hebrews by the Egyptians] and saw hope in Moses and Jesus as mighty deliverers. The above mentioned were significant factors which ultimately led to African slaves placing their hope in â€Å"the white man’s† God and Bible: The Black church in America had its origins in the slave religion of the American South. Deprived of their identity, oppressed by their masters, and unable to establish their own institutions, many slaves turned to Christianity. Faith in Jesus Christ gave them hope for the future when His justice would right the wrongs done to them. (Eckman, page 98) Near the dawning of the formation of the original black churches in the 18th century, some slave masters allowed [or even required] slaves to attend church services with them. Others allowed monitored the worship services, however, they were plagued with fears of possible rebellion. Mitchell describes contrasts between liberal and oppressive slave masters. Some oppressive masters withheld knowledge of Christianity from slaves and beat or even killed those who began to worship God devotedly (Mitchell, page 33). Many, if not all, plantations held stealthy worship services in the woods, swamps or brushes. L. Maffly-Kipp describes, in her article â€Å"African American Religion in the Beginning†, how the slaves used symbolism that was not detectible by their captors. It’s as though Africans began to develop a secret society and reactively initiated exclusive churches. The underground services of worship were labeled as the â€Å"Invisible Institution† since they were invisibly held to the eyes of slave masters. Here the slaves began mixing the Christian faith with African rhythms and singing, which led to the formation of the Negro spirituals (Maffly-Kipp). Most spirituals contained two-folded meanings of worship and freedom. [From time to time, (especially in February or around January 15th) we’ll hear some of these old Negro spirituals in today’s predominantly black churches.] Maffly-Kipp infers as the Africans made their appeals of justice unto God, they were also organizing and planning escapes. According to Melva Wilson Costen, author of African American Christian Worship, the first African American church of record, founded in 1758 in Luneberg, VA, was called Bluestone African Baptist Church —owned mostly by slaves. The number of African American churches grew throughout the U.S. between the years of 1750-1800 (over 20 churches of record). Bluestone and subsequent black founded congregations contained partial white populations where they were outnumbered by blacks however Euro-American preachers, as controlling moderators, oversaw these churches. African Americans were not encouraged to lead the congregations (though many were considerably powerful preachers and potential leaders) nor were they allowed any voting privileges. The African American Church continued to evolve in the South and dominant denominations of Baptist and Methodist expanded nationally from 1841-1865. Leadership began to change as did laws towards the end of the 19th century, post the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation, 1865 Abolition of Slavery (13th Amendment), 1868 Civil Rights (14th Amendment) and 1870 Voting Rights (15th Amendment). The early Black Church played a significant role in social activism by oratorical pressing towards the abolitionist movement, assisting  in the Underground Railroad, ministration in civic and social responsibility, and through slave insurrections. As Mitchell put it, â€Å"in the root culture of African Americans, nothing is excludable from the design and will of God† (page 138). [This is noteworthy; we’re able to see a continuum of legislative struggle against Africans throughout American history, in a way which the church is affected and involved.] In 1894, a pride-filled, yet rare, exception for African Americans occurred when the pastor of the first African Baptist Church was elected Moderator and Preacher of the Philadelphia Baptist Association. While racial discrimination took many blows, one civil case in Louisiana devastated the progression towards its elimination. In 1896 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled to enact the separate-but-equal principles in the famous Plessy v Ferguson case, disregarding equality while planting proliferate seeds of segregation throughout the nation (Records of Supreme Court). This ruling gravelly punctured the church as it promoted separation between Christians, which was contrary to the â€Å"Love thy neighbor as thyself† Christian teachings. As history reveals, for more than 50 years our national society was structured in such way to where the non-association between European Americans and minority races was the norm. After several years of social discomfort, the church began to take a stand against this legal inequality. In Rhetoric, Religion and the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965 by Davis Houck and David Dixon a passion-filled recording of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. speaking at a conference in Nashville, TN on April 25, 1957 is referenced (pages 217-224). We find Dr. King proclaiming his strong conviction of faith and declaring his hope in God for deliverance while attacking the moral issues of the Supreme Court’s decision made in the 1896 case. The revolutionary reverend, who led the Civil Rights Movement, charged the Christian Church with the responsibility of standing up against segregation and discrimination (Houck & Dixon, page 220), speaking to all Christians urging them to keep in mind that they answer to God and not the opinions of men. {In all my research, it was here that I saw the shift of focus from African American Christian Heritage to just Christian Heritage.} How difficult would it be for the masses to grasp this concept after hundreds of years of contradictory conditioning? We now live in an era postdating the Civil Rights Movement by more than 40 years; in a time where we [as a nation] elected our first African American president. In the most diverse area of the country (San Francisco), while we are starting to see more racially integrated churches in the Bay Area, 11:00am Sunday morning [for some reason] continues to be the most segregated hour across the U.S. Clearly these historical events continue to affect today’s African Americans within church communities and all people within congregational communities. What else can be concluded from this research? Old habits die hard. . Works Cited Ammerman, Nancy Tatom. Congregation & Community. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997. Print Costen, Melva Wilson. African American Christian Worship. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1993. Print. Eckman, James P. Exploring Church History. Wheaton: Crossway Books a division of Good News Publishers, 1996. Print. Houck, Davis W.; Dixon, David E. Rhetoric, Religion and the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965. Waco: Baylor University Press, 2006. CityCat.Web. March 3, 2010. Maffly-Kipp, L.. â€Å"African American Religion In the Beginning. † Mississippi Link 4 Feb. 2010,Ethnic NewsWatch (ENW). ProQuest. Web. 3 Mar. 2010. Mitchell, Henry H. Black Chruch Beginnings: The Long-Hidden Realities of the First Years. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publising Company, 2004. Print. Records of the Supreme Court of the United States. â€Å"Plessy v Ferguson† OurDocuments.gov, May 18, 1896, Web. March 3, 2010

Organizational Issues In Criminal Justice - 1009 Words

In this new age of consciousness evoking the notion of progress and continuity with new ideas in the field of administration of justice is truly a remarkable phenomenon (Taylor, 2013). Overtime numerous theories have been posited regarding the causes of crime and deterring criminal behavior. However, little attention has been given to the law enforcement of social policy and government regulation. Meier (19877) suggests that one path toward addressing justice issues would be to strive for more adequate research; that is, to conduct studies which are not only methodologically sound, but also operationally comparable. At this present time, there is a great need for critical scholarship, research and learning models within the field of†¦show more content†¦In this particular case within the field of administration of justice, the lack of information and knowledge of white collar crime and consumer protection policy is carefully analyzed by dissecting the elements prevalent to criminological theory. Gottschalk (2016) paralleled social conflict theory with white collar crime suggesting that the powerful and wealthy in the upper class of society define what is right and what is wrong. Moreover, the rich and mighty people can behave like robber barons† because they make the laws and therefore, the ruling class does not consider a white collar offense as a regular crime, and certainly not similar to street crime (Gottshalk, 2016). Accordingly, this study focuses on financial and moral crimes, whereas social critical theory views financial crime as a function of the conflict that exists in society. Since frequently over one’s lifetime, individuals are called to make decisions that are economic in nature, therefore it is essential that they are equipped with the knowledge of concepts related to economics, law, financial and consumer education (Mupier, 1994). Discourse in the administration of justice argues that within the neo-liberal age, the administration of justice is geared toward efficiency (Williams, 2013; Braithwaite, 2000; Garland, 2007; Hudson, 1993; Simon, 2007;Show MoreRelatedCriminal Justice Trends Evaluation1581 Words   |  7 Pages394 WEEK 1 Criminal Justice Trends Evaluation Criminal Justice Trends Evaluation John Doe CJA 394 October 01, 2001 Jane Doedy Criminal Justice Trends Evaluation The criminal justice system is forever adjusting to protect and serve a changing society. The paper evaluates, identifies and assesses recent future and current trends affecting the criminal justice system. Lastly, it defines the values of the system in a changing society. 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